Russia Establishes Administrative Structures in Occupied Ukrainian Territories

<p class="dropcap">T<span class="smallcaps">he world has observed Russia’s military actions in Ukraine primarily through the shifting front lines. However, behind these lines, Russia is reportedly constructing a more permanent administrative presence within Ukraine. In the regions of Donetsk, Luhansk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson under Russian control, Russian institutions are gradually replacing Ukrainian ones and altering daily life.</p><p>Schools in these areas now follow Russian curricula, and residents are required to obtain Russian passports, linking them to the Russian state. Access to housing and public services is governed by Russian systems. On June 13, 2026, Russian President Vladimir Putin stated that the goal is to integrate these Ukrainian territories into a unified legal, economic, educational, cultural, and information framework under Russia by 2030. This strategy aims to create a situation where Ukrainian civic life becomes difficult to sustain and Russian governance becomes entrenched.</p><p>This initiative began before the full-scale invasion of Ukraine, with Crimea serving as an early model following its annexation in 2014. After the annexation, Russia imposed citizenship on Crimeans and required documentation for employment and access to essential services, replacing Ukrainian institutions with Russian ones.</p><p>The Ukrainian territories occupied after the 2022 invasion have presented more challenges. These eastern provinces contain significant industrial resources, a large population identifying as Ukrainian, and active resistance movements. Initially, Moscow relied on military force and occupation administrations, but it has since implemented a more sustainable framework to integrate these territories into the Russian state.</p><p>R<span class="smallcaps">ussia has <a href="https://jamestown.org/russia-builds-coercive-state-apparatus-in-ukraines-occupied-territories/">extended</a> its administrative reach</span> across occupied Ukraine. Russian federal courts assert jurisdiction in these areas, and Russian authorities oversee taxation, migration, security, and military operations. In 2025, Moscow integrated the occupation administrations into a monitoring system known as the Governor’s Dashboard, which tracks local projects, budgets, and compliance in real time.</p><p>This integration aims to disconnect occupied Ukraine from Kyiv and place its residents under Russian control. Ukrainians must acquire Russian passports to access pensions, employment, state benefits, or education. Without these passports, they are unable to obtain mobile phone services, as local providers require Russian identity documents for SIM card registration. One individual who left Kherson due to fears of detention for pro-Ukrainian sentiments described being coerced into obtaining a Russian passport, stating, "They put a gun to my head." He requested anonymity for fear of repercussions against his family.</p><p>Many Ukrainians under occupation have come to believe that an independent Ukraine is unattainable. Russian authorities have taken, replaced, or rendered unusable Ukrainian documents previously held by residents. A 24-year-old from occupied Donetsk reported that occupation officials frequently told residents that Kyiv had abandoned them, asserting that only Moscow would issue passports. Without documentation, she felt trapped, stating that Russia was "the only place I could legally go," despite her reluctance to live there.</p><p>For men aged 18 to 65, acquiring Russian citizenship entails military registration and penalties for noncompliance. From February 2022 to the end of 2025, the Russian military reportedly mobilized around 50,000 Ukrainians to fight against their own country, a move that violates international humanitarian law.</p><p>Simultaneously, Russia has been systematically seizing Ukrainian property. Many individuals who fled the occupied territories left behind real estate, some of which has been classified as ownerless or unregistered, facilitating its confiscation. To retain their property, individuals must re-register it under <a href="https://censor.net/ua/news/4017349/rosiya-gotuyetsya-konfiskuvaty-ponad-34-tysyachi-ob-yektiv-neruhomosti-ukrayintsiv-na-okupovanyh-ter">Russian law</a> by the end of the year, a process that requires Russian citizenship and a return to the occupied territory.</p><p>Since 2024, Russian authorities have identified at least 34,000 properties belonging to Ukrainian citizens for confiscation. Some of these properties are being allocated to Russian citizens, who are encouraged to settle in occupied Ukraine, with the aim of increasing the Russian population in these territories to 1 million by 2045. This year, authorities began transferring plots of Ukrainian land to Russians, prioritizing military personnel and those with military contracts.</p><p>The state being established by Moscow in occupied Ukraine is reportedly more isolated and economically disadvantaged than the one from which it was severed. Since 2022, efforts have been made to disconnect the occupied regions from Ukrainian media by blocking independent outlets, restricting messaging services, and replacing the communications infrastructure with Russian-controlled networks. Many Ukrainian and independent websites are inaccessible, and residents face challenges accessing Telegram, WhatsApp, and VPNs.</p><p>Since 2022, Moscow has invested billions of dollars in reconstructing occupied Ukraine, officially aimed at rebuilding housing, roads, and public services. However, these funds have also facilitated patronage and resource extraction.</p><p>Infrastructure has been developed to support Russian military objectives, while civilian living conditions have reportedly deteriorated. Approximately 90 percent of industrial facilities in occupied Ukraine have been closed or repurposed by the occupying authorities. Many Ukrainian factories have been integrated into Russian defense production, with Moscow commandeering mines, machine-building plants, metallurgical facilities, and chemical plants for military purposes.</p><p>Since 2023, Russia has expanded road and port infrastructure to enhance military logistics and resource extraction, spending about $425 million on railroads, including new routes to transport ammunition and military equipment. The occupied ports of Mariupol and Berdyansk have been integrated into Russia's maritime network, facilitating the export of grain, energy, minerals, and other products. In 2025 alone, Russia exported more than 2 million tons of grain from occupied Ukraine.</p><p>The militarization of the economy in these regions has resulted in limited job opportunities and low wages for Ukrainians. One resident of occupied Luhansk noted that many men prefer temporary or unofficial work to avoid military enlistment.</p><p>The deteriorating economic situation has heightened social tensions, with many residents expressing feelings of despair and a sense of stagnation. One individual in Kherson described experiencing "moral exhaustion" from the occupation, while another remarked that those who are better off are often collaborating with the occupying authorities.</p><p>The Kremlin is aware that the Ukrainians living under these conditions may be hostile, leading occupation authorities to adopt a strategy of "preventive threat elimination," which views most civilians as disloyal and treats passive dissent as a security threat. Possessing Ukrainian apps, media, or contacts can lead to scrutiny and potential detention. From February 2022 to August 2025, Russian occupation forces reportedly detained about 15,000 civilians, although the actual number may be higher, according to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.</p><p>Consequently, many Ukrainians are self-censoring, removing Ukraine-related content from their devices or using secondary phones while traveling. A resident in occupied Zaporizhzhia stated, "There shouldn’t be anything unnecessary on your phone so there won’t be unnecessary questions."</p><p>A<span class="smallcaps">bout <a href="https://www.eeas.europa.eu/sites/default/files/2026/documents/Factsheet_Bringing_Ukrainian_children_back_home.pdf">1.6 million Ukrainian children</a></span> currently live under occupation, and Russia has prioritized their ideological education to Russify them and prepare them as future military recruits.</p><p>Schools in the occupied territories emphasize hostility toward Ukraine and the West while glorifying Russian national symbols. Instruction in the Ukrainian language is prohibited. A resident from occupied Kherson reported that anything reminiscent of Ukraine, including colors, is strictly forbidden. Another resident from Kherson noted that school officials and Russian representatives cautioned students against speaking freely, opposing the occupation, or maintaining contact with relatives in Ukraine or abroad. This year, Moscow introduced a new curriculum across all educational levels aimed at reinforcing Russian identity and glorifying military figures, including those involved in the conflict against Ukraine.</p><p>Additionally, Moscow has expanded military-linked youth organizations in the occupied territories, with membership growing rapidly. One young man from Kherson stated that he was compelled to join a Russian youth organization without being asked for his consent.</p><p>The Movement of the First, often likened to the Soviet Pioneers, reportedly has over half a million members in occupied Ukraine. Yunarmia, which Putin has referred to as a "school of life," has at least 44,000 members in these areas. VOIN, a network of military training and patriotic education centers, has recruited at least 10,000 young individuals since 2024. These organizations operate under close Kremlin supervision, introducing children and young adults to firearms, tactical medicine, drone operation, survival skills, and reconnaissance.</p><p>Oksana, a caregiver from Kherson, left the occupied area with her family due to increasing pressure on her sons to join the Russian military. She described schools where academic subjects were overshadowed by militarization and indoctrination, stating, "In the first place—military training. In second place—propaganda." She noted that children are taught to march from a young age.</p><p>For a child living under occupation, four years can significantly alter their identity—shaping language, education, friendships, and future aspirations. For those who have lived under Russian control since 2014, this experience is no longer a temporary disruption but a defining aspect of their lives. A child who was six during the initial occupation of Crimea or parts of the Donbas is now an adult who has never experienced life under Ukrainian governance.</p><p>The institutions Russia has established beyond the front lines are becoming more entrenched. For Russia, they represent the foundation for annexation. For Ukraine, they pose a significant challenge, even if Kyiv eventually regains control of these territories.</p><p>The indoctrination and coercion implemented by Russia may create long-term security issues that persist beyond any ceasefire. Each year that Russian institutions remain in place complicates Ukraine's efforts to restore sovereignty, reconnect families, reclaim property, and provide young people with a meaningful sense of belonging.</p>